Pompeo: China sperrt muslimische Minderheiten in “Konzentrationslagern” ein. Mike Pompeo geht mit China hart ins Gericht. China: Uigure in XinjiangFoto: Diego Azubel/epa/dpa bezeichnete Chinas Vorgehen in den „modernen Konzentrationslagern“ in Xinjiang als. Geheime Dokumente zeigen, wie systematisch China gegen Uiguren vorgeht. Dolkun Isa lebt in Deutschland. Selbst im Exil wird er bedroht.
Uiguren in Xinjiang: China sperrt Muslime in „Konzentrationslager“Sayragul Sauytbay gehört zur kasachischen Minderheit in China, ihr Sie sagt: „Im Konzentrationslager stand ich unter ständiger Aufsicht des. Geheime Dokumente zeigen, wie systematisch China gegen Uiguren vorgeht. Dolkun Isa lebt in Deutschland. Selbst im Exil wird er bedroht. Pompeo: China sperrt muslimische Minderheiten in “Konzentrationslagern” ein. Mike Pompeo geht mit China hart ins Gericht.
Konzentrationslager China Geheimdokumente geben Einblick in Chinas Massen-Internierungslager VideoChina: Die Uiguren – ein Volk in Gefahr - ARTE Reportage In dieser Zeit sieht sie, wie sich das Leben in den kasachischen Dörfern verändert. Meine gespeicherten Beiträge ansehen. Als ihre Mutter jedoch schwer erkrankt, kehrt sie nach einiger Zeit Us Open Männer Finale in ihr Heimatdorf zurück. Journal of Democracy.
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The leaked Chinese government documents, which the ICIJ have labelled "The China Cables", include a nine-page memo sent out in by Zhu Hailun, then deputy-secretary of Xinjiang's Communist Party and the region's top security official, to those who run the camps.
The instructions make it clear that the camps should be run as high security prisons, with strict discipline, punishments and no escapes.
The documents reveal how every aspect of a detainee's life is monitored and controlled: "The students should have a fixed bed position, fixed queue position, fixed classroom seat, and fixed station during skills work, and it is strictly forbidden for this to be changed.
Other documents confirm the extraordinary scale of the detentions. One reveals that 15, people from southern Xinjiang were sent to the camps over the course of just one week in Sophie Richardson, the China director at Human Rights Watch, said the leaked memo should be used by prosecutors.
Xi and the fifth generation. Anti-corruption campaign Belt and Road Initiative Chang'e 3 Xinjiang re-education camps Uyghur genocide China—United States trade war —20 Hong Kong protests Social Credit System COVID pandemic.
China PRC constitution Beijing Shanghai. Mao 2. Deng 3. Jiang 4. Culture Economy Education Geography Politics. Modern China. Sage Publications.
Journal of East Asian Studies. Lynne Rienner Publishers. Retrieved 18 April Archived from the original on Verdächtige festgenommen Militär in Myanmar verspricht "freie Wahlen" Xiaomi wehrt gegen Sanktionen von Trump-Regierung WHO fordert von Deutschland den "Klopp-Effekt" alle passenden Artikel.
Themen: Nachrichten , Ausland , Politik , Internationale Politik , Konzentrationslager , Xinjiang , USA , China , Peking , Muslime.
Leserbrief schreiben. Artikel versenden. Fan werden Folgen. Voice of America. Oktober Lowy Institute. Mai Al Jazeera. Juni Roberts: How Should the World Respond to Intensifying Repression in Xinjiang?
In: ChinaFile. Center on U. Abgerufen am 4. Abgerufen am 3. In: France24 , Human Rights Watch. Radio Free Asia.
Dezember Januar So Why Is China at It Again? In: The New York Times , 16 July Abgerufen im 14 January In: Spiegel Online. November spiegel.
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January 20, The Vaccine Battle Highlights the Need to Communicate Science January 20, Die USA legen in ihrer Kritik am Umgang Chinas mit der muslimischen Minderheit der Uiguren nach.
Wegen des Vorgehens Chinas haben die USA unlängst 28 chinesische Unternehmen und Regierungsorganisationen auf eine schwarze Liste gesetzt.
Quelle: WELT. An October Sentinel image shows just how much the site has grown compared with what we'd expected to see.
And it is just one of many similar, large prison-type structures that have been built across Xinjiang in the past few years.
It was impossible to speak openly to anyone - minders lurked menacingly close by and would aggressively debrief anyone who even exchanged a greeting with us.
They have some problems with their thoughts. What was this large complex with its 16 watchtowers that the authorities were so desperate to stop us filming?
Almost certainly as a response to the mounting international criticism, the authorities have begun to double down on this description, with a full-on propaganda drive.
State-run TV has been showing glossy reports, full of clean classrooms and grateful students, apparently willingly submitting themselves to the coursework.
The main purpose of these facilities, we're told, is to combat extremism, through a mixture of legal theory, work skills and Chinese language training.
That last item shows that whatever you want to call them - schools or camps - the intended target is the same.
The facilities are exclusively for Xinjiang's Muslim minorities, many of whom do not speak Chinese as their mother tongue.
The video suggests the school is operating a dress code - not a single one of the female students is wearing a headscarf.
They speak a Turkic language and resemble the peoples of Central Asia at least as much as they do China's majority population, the Han Chinese.
The southern city of Kashgar, it is often pointed out, is geographically closer to Baghdad than it is to Beijing - and it sometimes feels culturally closer too.
And with a history of rebellion and resistance to Chinese rule, the relationship between the Uighurs and their modern-day political masters has long been as fraught as it is distant.
Before Communist rule, Xinjiang occasionally slipped from China's grip with brief periods of independence. Ever since, it has constantly tested that grip with sporadic outbreaks of protest and violence.
The mineral wealth - in particular oil and gas - of a region almost five times the size of Germany has brought huge levels of Chinese investment, rapid economic growth and large waves of Han Chinese settlers.
Resentment among Uighurs over the perceived uneven distribution of the proceeds of that growth has simmered.
In response to such criticisms, the Chinese authorities point to rising living standards for Xinjiang's residents. But in the past decade or so, hundreds of lives have been lost to a mixture of riots, inter-community violence, premeditated attacks and the police response.
October Tiananmen Square sealed off after a car attack which killed two people. In , an attack on pedestrians in Beijing's Tiananmen Square, which claimed two lives as well as the three Uighur occupants of the car, marked a significant moment.
Although relatively small in terms of fatalities it rattled the foundations of the Chinese state. March Police in Kunming on patrol after the killing of 31 people.
The following year, 31 people were slaughtered by knife-wielding Uighur attackers at a train station in the Chinese city of Kunming, more than km away from Xinjiang.
Over the past four years, Xinjiang has been the target of some of the most restrictive and comprehensive security measures ever deployed by a state against its own people.
These include the large-scale use of technology - facial recognition cameras, monitoring devices that read the content of mobile phones and the mass collection of biometric data.
Harsh new legal penalties have been introduced to curtail Islamic identity and practice - banning, among other things, long beards and headscarves, the religious instruction of children, and even Islamic-sounding names.
The policies appear to mark a fundamental shift in official thinking - separatism is no longer framed as a problem of a few isolated individuals, but as a problem inherent within Uighur culture and Islam in general.